[First published by onlondon, 5 March 2020]
London is an economic powerhouse, accounting for 23 per cent of the UK economy with only 13 per cent of the UK population. Productivity figures released last week
show that four of the ten most productive UK districts (in terms of
economic output per hour worked) are in the capital: Hounslow, Tower
Hamlets, City of London and Westminster.
But this is not the whole story. Other London boroughs, such as
Haringey and Lewisham, appear much further down the list, among “left
behind” places such as Blackburn, Stafford and Rhondda Cynon Taf. And
while UK productivity grew by about 21 per cent between 2008 and 2018
(not accounting for inflation), it fell in Newham, Barking &
Dagenham and Merton, and barely moved in Lewisham.
A slowdown in productivity growth in high performing places would not
be a huge surprise: growth is harder to achieve when you are already
operating at high productivity; the gains you can squeeze from marginal
increases in efficiency are much less impressive than those that can
come from new enterprises in regenerating areas.
This – alongside the bigger issues of the financial crisis – probably
explains why the City of London’s productivity shrunk more than any
other UK local authority’s over the decade. But it doesn’t explain some
of the other changes. Productivity surged by more than average in some
Inner London boroughs that were already doing well: Camden, Kensington
& Chelsea, and Hammersmith & Fulham. The boroughs where
productivity fell, on the other hand – Newham, Barking & Dagenham,
and Merton – were struggling to start with. London’s economy is becoming
more and more concentrated in the city centre.
Struggling Outer London boroughs are not uniformly poor any more than
northern towns are, but these productivity figures reflect the very
different economic lives lived by rich and poor Londoners. Each borough
will have wealthy residents, whose economic activity shows up where they
work, not where they live. Their economic fortunes are in sharp
contrast to people working in precarious and low-paid employment
locally, whose labour is reflected in these local figures. These may not
be “left behind places”, but some of the people living in them have
every right to feel marginalised.
This dichotomy – between a globally competitive city centre and a
struggling periphery –raises questions for local, regional and national
policymakers. London’s suburban centres and high streets are being
hollowed out by the same forces of retail restructuring as town centres
across the country.
But the light of London’s central business district can leave its
hinterland in shadow when it comes to government policy. Nowhere in
London was among the 100 places invited to bid for £3.6 billion ‘Towns
Fund’ last year. How can Outer London’s centres adapt and revive,
supporting enterprises and services that will bring commercial and
community life – and better productivity and wages – back to London’s
suburbs and London’s suburban communities? Centre for London’s
forthcoming project on Outer London centres will be focusing on this
issue.
There is a broader point too. London is a rich city with a lot of poor people in it, having higher poverty rates than any other UK nation or region after housing costs. Being poor in a rich area does perhaps offer opportunity (though this is debated), but it can also add to stress when local services don’t meet your needs, as explored in a recent report by the Southern Policy Centre.
So the government should be cautious about rushing to refocus
spending on “left-behind places” at the expense of thinking about the
people and communities who are struggling – even if they are doing so
within eyesight of central London’s temples of global trade.
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment