Originally posted on Public Finance 8 June 2015
The European public procurement directives will probably be quite low
on David Cameron’s to-do list as he shuttles to Brussels to renegotiate
the UK’s EU membership. But the increasingly irate debates over the
Mayor of London’s proposed Garden Bridge are an object lesson in the
problems these can cause when political initiative rubs up against
technocratic process.
The directives require all public spending
over specific levels to be openly tendered, including through the
Official Journal of the EU (the 'OJEU' that gives the regulations their
name). These are intended to ensure transparency and a level playing
field across the bloc, but the complexity and length of time taken (OJEU
procurements can take six months or longer) have a number of perverse
consequences (and there are persistent mutterings that other countries
don’t seem to take them quite as seriously as ‘we’ do).
Complying
with the regulations involves delay and paperwork, so ‘going over the
OJEU threshold’ is something that all public servants try to avoid. One
strategy is to try to break down contracts to keep them under the limit.
Another is to rely on opaque ‘call off contracts’ or ‘panel
arrangements’ where a small number of (usually large) suppliers are
assembled on to a panel, among whom individual commissions are divvied
up. This creates a closed shop for the period of the panel, and combines
with the complexity of the procurement process and a cautious approach
to scoring financial risk, to exclude the local small businesses that
many politicians have pledged to support.
The problem becomes
acute when it comes to big ideas like the Garden Bridge, rather than
more run-of-the-mill projects. The theory is that an elected authority
carefully develops strategies and policies, and prepares budgets and
tender documentation for the projects identified. Following exhaustive
planning, consultation and procurement processes, these are commissioned
and delivered.
But anyone who has worked in public
administration knows, life isn’t quite like that. The man from the
ministry (or the Mayor’s office) no longer has a monopoly on wisdom, and
probably never did. Ideas emerge from civil society, from private
initiative, from every angle. Politicians grab good ones, and their
teams currently have to twist themselves into knots trying to create the
process that will lead to the right answer.
The Garden Bridge row is a case in point. Whatever you think of the proposal, recent revelations in the Observer
tell a typical story. Joanna Lumley, designer Thomas Heatherwick and
others approached the Mayor of London with an idea, Boris liked it, and
that idea is now being pushed forward. Between these two points, there
was a process that can perhaps most politely be described as ‘messy’
whereby there was a competition, which the Lumley-Heatherwick proposal
won. Cue understandable anger from other, disappointed, architects, and
negative coverage that the project does not need right now.
But
the alternative would have been just as problematic. Other people have
proposed garden bridges in London from time to time, but would the
Heatherwick design team have put so much work into developing and
promoting their proposal if there was a good chance that someone else
would have ended up getting the commission?
Open and transparent
procurement is an important defence against corruption, kickbacks and
simple waste, but the European regulations set technocratic process
against political accountability. Mayors and other politicians will be
approached with bright ideas from time to time. Surely they should have
political space to judge how bright these are, and to implement them,
subject to safeguards and controls – not least, the electorate’s ability
to eject politicians who pursue vanity projects?
Rather than
going through cosmetic competitions, perhaps the elected leaders of
public authorities should be allowed to sign a statement formally
exempting a project from open procurement, and setting out their reasons
(a similar process is followed for some Freedom of Information
exemptions). These exemptions would be published and would be intently
scrutinised, by the press and opposition politicians, so political
leaders would be reluctant to sign them unless they felt they had a
really strong case – a unique idea, a genuine emergency, an economic
justification for keeping a contract locally. This certification process
could be accompanied by internal or external review of value for money.
The
Garden Bridge has been criticised as a vanity project and rouses strong
opinions on all sides, but our cities would be poorer if politicians
were unable to grab hold of big ideas and help to make them happen.
Reforming EU procurement legislation could save an enormous amount of
ducking, weaving and bad faith, and allow politicians to decide and be
held accountable for how public money is spent.
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